G.R. No. 179271 – BARANGAY ASSOCIATION FOR NATIONAL ADVANCEMENT AND TRANSPARENCY (BANAT), Petitioner, versus COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS, Respondent.

 

ARTS BUSINESS AND SCIENCE PROFESSIONALS, AANGAT TAYO Party-List, and COALITION OF ASSOCIATIONS OF SENIOR CITIZENS IN THE PHILIPPINES, INC. (SENIOR CITIZENS), Intervenors.

 

G.R. No. 179295 – BAYAN MUNA, A TEACHER, and ABONO, Petitioners, versus COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS, Respondent.

 

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SEPARATE OPINION

 

 

NACHURA, J.:

 

 

          This will clarify my position in these consolidated cases. 

 

          I concurred in the April 24, 2009 ponencia of the Honorable Justice Antonio T. Carpio subject to my submission that Section 11,[1] Republic Act No. 7941[2] or the Party-List System Act, insofar as it requires a two percent (2%) threshold vote to entitle a party, sectoral organization or coalition to a seat in the House of Representatives under the party-list system, is unconstitutional. As explained in my Separate Opinion, the 2% minimum vote requirement poses an insurmountable barrier to the full implementation of Section 5 (2), Article VI of the Philippine Constitution.

 

          My advocacy, however, does not extend to the complete disregard of a threshold vote.  I expressed full agreement with [now Chief] Justice Reynato S. Puno who, in his Separate Concurring Opinion in Veterans Federation Party v. Commission on Elections,[3] validated the need for a minimum vote requirement, in order—

 

1.      to avaoid a situation where the candidate will just use the party-list system as a fallback position;

2.      to discourage nuisance candidates or parties, who are not ready and whose chances are very low, from participating in the elections;

3.      to avoid the reserve seat system from opening up the system;

4.      to encourage the marginalized sectors to organize, work hard and earn their seats within the system;

5.      to enable sectoral representatives to rise to the same majesty as that of the elective representatives in the legislative body, rather than owing to some degree their seats in the legislative body either to an outright constitutional gift or to an appointment by the President of the Philippines;

6.      if no threshold is imposed, this will actually proliferate political party groups and those who have not really been given by the people sufficient basis for them to represent their constituents and, in turn, they will be able to get to the Parliament through the backdoor under the name of the party-list system; and

7.      to ensure that only those with a more or less substantial following can be represented.[4]

 

 

Thus, we proposed that, until Congress shall have effected an acceptable amendment to Section 11, R.A. 7941, we should abide by the sensible standard of “proportional representation” and adopt a gradually regressive threshold vote requirement, inversely proportional to the increase in the number of party-list seats. Expressed differently, we do not propose that Section 11 or a paragraph thereof be scrapped for being unconstitutional. It is only the ratio of 2% that we find as unconstitutional—the steady increase in the party-list seat allotment as it keeps pace with the creation of additional legislative districts, and the foreseeable growth of party-list groups, the fixed 2% vote requirement/ratio is no longer viable.  It does not adequately respond to the inevitable changes that come with time; and it is, in fact, inconsistent with the Constitution, because it prevents the fundamental law from ever being fully operative.

 

Obviously, the ponencia did not fully accept our submission.  It declared as unconstitutional the 2% threshold vote only with respect to the second round of allocating party-list seats (on the additional seats); it continued to apply the 2% minimum vote requirement for entitlement to a seat under the first round of allocation (on the guaranteed seats).  This, clearly, was not the intent of our modified concurrence to the ponencia, as expressed in our Separate Opinion.

 

As expressed in that opinion, the formula which must be adopted—scrapping only the 2% ratio but still adopting a threshold vote requirement, is as follows:

 

                           100%

(Total number of votes cast for party-list)

-------------------------------------------------- = 1.8518%                    

       54 party-list seats (as clarified)

 

 

Clearly, the minimum vote requirement will gradually lessen as the number of party-list seats increases.  Thus, in a scenario in which there are 100 party-list seats, the threshold vote is computed as follows:

 

                           100%

(Total number of votes cast for party-list)

-------------------------------------------------- = 1%                    

                 100 party-list seats

 

This is the more logical and equitable formula.  It would judiciously respond to the inevitable changes in the composition of the House of Representatives; it would open opportunities for the broadest people’s representation in the House of Representatives; and more importantly, it would not violate the Constitution. Moreover, the threshold vote requirement, as enacted by Congress and as validated by this Court in Veterans, is maintained.

 

Additionally, the formula will not be discriminatory as it will not only apply in the first round of allocation of seats, but will also be applicable in the second round. While I do not wish to belabor the point, the erroneous application by the ponencia of a threshold vote (2%) in the first round of allocation of seats, and its disregard in the second round, might cause an unintended transgression of the equal protection clause, which requires that all persons or things similarly situated should be treated alike, both as to the rights conferred and responsibilities imposed.[5]

 

 Thus, as I have expressed before, with respect to the fixed threshold vote of 2% (only the ratio) in Section 11 of R.A. No. 7941, I join the Court in declaring it unconstitutional, since all enactments inconsistent with the Constitution should be invalidated.

 

 

ANTONIO EDUARDO B. NACHURA

                         Associate Justice

 



[1] The provision reads in full:

Section 11. Number of Party-List Representatives. The party-list representatives shall constitute twenty per centum (20%) of the total number of the members of the House of Representatives including those under the party-list.

For purposes of the May 1998 elections, the first five (5) major political parties on the basis of party representation in the House of Representatives at the start of the Tenth Congress of the Philippines shall not be entitled to participate in the party-list system.

In determining the allocation of seats for the second vote, the following procedure shall be observed:

(a) The parties, organizations, and coalitions shall be ranked from the highest to the lowest based on the number of votes they garnered during the elections.

(b) The parties, organizations, and coalitions receiving at least two percent (2%) of the total votes cast for the party-list system shall be entitled to one seat each: Provided, That those garnering more than two percent (2%) of the votes shall be entitled to additional seats in proportion to their total number of votes: Provided, finally, That each party, organization, or coalition shall be entitled to not more than three (3) seats. [Emphasis supplied]

[2] Entitled “AN ACT PROVIDING FOR THE ELECTION OF PARTY-LIST REPRESENTATIVES THROUGH THE PARTY-LIST SYSTEM, AND APPROPRIATING FUNDS THEREFOR”; approved on March 3, 1995.

[3]  G.R. No. 136781, October 6, 2000; 342 SCRA 244.

[4]  Id. at 290.

[5] Philippine Judges Association v. Prado, supra note 11, at 711-712.