EN BANC

 

 

G.R. No. 184836        --          Simon B. Aldovino, Jr., Danilo B. Faller and Ferdinand N. Talabong, Petitioners, versus Commission on Elections and Wilfredo F. Asilo, Respondents.

 

                                                Promulgated:

                  

                                                    December 23, 2009

x ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- x   

 

 

SEPARATE CONCURRING OPINION

 

 

ABAD, J.:

 

 

          I join the majority opinion and add a few thoughts of my own.

 

                                                The Facts

 

          Respondent Wilfredo F. Asilo won three consecutive elections as councilor of Lucena City, specifically from 1998 to 2001, from 2001 to 2004, and from 2004 to 2007.  During his last term or on October 3, 2005, the Sandiganbayan ordered him placed under preventive suspension for ninety days in connection with a crime of which he had been charged.  After about thirty-seven days, however, or on November 9, 2005, this Court lifted the order of suspension and allowed Asilo to resume the duties of his office.

 

          Believing that his brief preventive suspension interrupted his full service in office and allowed him to seek a fourth term as councilor because of it, Asilo filed a certificate of candidacy for the same office in the 2007 elections.  When this was questioned, both the Second Division of the Commission on Elections and its En Banc ruled that the three-term limit did not apply to Asilo’s case since the Sandiganbayan’s order of preventive suspension did not allow him to complete the third term for which he was elected in 2004.

 

                                                The Issue

 

          The issue in this case is whether or not respondent Asilo’s preventive suspension during his third term as councilor, which shortened the length of his normal service by thirty-seven days, allowed him to run for a fourth consecutive term for the same office.

 

                                                Discussion

 

          The issue in this case revolves around Section 8 of Article X of the 1987 Constitution:

 

The term of office of elective local officials, except barangay officials, which shall be determined by law, shall be three years and no such official shall serve for more than three consecutive terms.  Voluntary renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an interruption in the continuity of his service for the full term for which he was elected.

 

          The first part states that no local official shall serve for more than three consecutive terms.

 

          The second, on the other hand, states that voluntary renunciation of office shall not be considered an interruption in the continuity of his service for the full term for which he was elected.[1]

 

          That the first part is a prohibitory rule is not in question.  This is quite clear.  It says that no local official can serve for more than three terms.  Traditionally, politicians find ways of entrenching themselves in their offices and the consensus is that this practice is not ideal for good government.  Indeed, the Constitution expresses through the three-term limit rule a determination to open public office to others and bring fresh ideas and energies into government as a matter of policy.  The mandate of this Court in this case is to enforce such constitutionally established prohibition.

 

Actually, what creates the mischief is the statement in the second part of Section 8 that “voluntary renunciation” of office shall not be considered an interruption in the continuity of his service for the full term for which the local official was elected.  The dissenting opinion infers from this that “any service short of full service of three consecutive terms, save for voluntary renunciation of office, does not bar an elective local official from running again for the same local government post.”  In other words, elected politicians whose services are cut in the course of any term by “involuntary renunciation” are eligible for a fourth term. 

 

Relying on its above inference, the dissenting opinion claims that preventive suspension is, by default, an “involuntary renunciation” of an elective official’s term of office since he does not choose to be preventively suspended.  Preventive suspension cuts into the full term of the elected official and gives him justification for seeking a fourth term.

 

But, there is in reality no such thing as “involuntary” renunciation.  Renunciation is essentially “formal or voluntary.”  It is the act, says Webster, “of renouncing; a giving up formally or voluntarily, often at a sacrifice, of a right, claim, title, etc.”[2]  If the dissenting opinion insists on using the term “involuntary renunciation,” it could only mean “coerced” renunciation, i.e., renunciation forced on the elected official.  With this meaning, any politician can simply arrange for someone to make him sign a resignation paper at gun point.  This will justify his running for a fourth term.  But, surely, the law cannot be mocked in this way.

 

          Parenthetically, there can be other causes for “involuntary renunciation,” interruption of service that is not of the elected official’s making.  For instance, through the fault of a truck driver, the elected official’s car could fall into a ditch and put the official in the hospital for a week, cutting his service in office against his will.  Temporary illness can also interrupt service.  Natural calamities like floods and earthquakes could produce the same result.  Since these are “involuntary renunciations” or interruptions in the elective official’s service, it seems that he would, under the dissenting opinion’s theory, be exempt from the three-year rule.  But surely, Section 8 could not have intended this for it would overwhelm the constitutional ban against election for more than three consecutive terms.

 

Actually, though, “voluntary renunciation,” the term that the law uses simply means resignation from or abandonment of office.  The elected official who voluntarily resigns or abandons his duties freely renounces the powers, rights, and privileges of his position.  The opposite of “voluntary renunciation” in this context would be “removal from office,” a sanction imposed by some duly authorized person or body, not an initiative of or a choice freely made by the elected official.  Should “removal from office” be the test, therefore, for determining interruption of service that will warrant an exception to the three-term limit rule?

 

Apparently not, since an elected official could be removed from office through recall (a judgment by the electorates that he is unfit to continue serving in office),[3]  criminal  conviction  by  final  judgment,[4]  and administrative dismissal.[5]  Surely, the Constitution could not have intended to reward those removed in this way with the opportunity to skip the three-year bar. 

 

The only interruption in the continuity of service of an elected official that does not amount to removal is termination of his service by operation of law.  This is exemplified in the case of Montebon v. COMELEC,[6] where this Court deemed the highest-ranking councilor’s third term as such “involuntarily” interrupted when he succeeded as vice mayor by operation of law upon the latter’s retirement. This Court considered the ranking councilor eligible to run again as councilor for the succeeding term. 

 

But Montebon cannot be compared with Asilo’s case since Montebon’s term as councilor ended by operation of law when the vice mayor retired and Montebon had to step into his shoes.[7]  Asilo’s term, on the other hand, did not end when the Sandiganbayan placed him under preventive suspension.  He did not vacate his office.  It merely enjoined him in the meantime from performing his duties and exercising his powers.  His term ran the full course; it was not cut. 

 

It might be correct to say that the will of the electorates is for Asilo to serve the full term of his office.  But, given the presumption that the electorates knew of the law governing preventive suspension when they elected him, it must be assumed that they elected him subject to the condition that he can be preventively suspended if the occasion warrants.  Such suspension cannot, therefore, be regarded as a desecration of the people’s will.

 

It does not matter that the preventive suspension imposed on the elected official may later on prove unwarranted.  The law provides the proper remedy for such error.  Here, the Supreme Court supplied that remedy.  It set aside the preventive suspension imposed on Asilo by the Sandiganbayan.  There is, on the other hand, no law that allows an elected official to tack to his term of office the period of service he had lost by reason of preventive suspension just so he can make up for the loss.  The dissenting opinion’s position would create a rule that will allow Asilo, who lost thirty-seven days of service because of that suspension, a right to be re-elected to a fourth consecutive term of one thousand ninety-five days (365 days x 3).

 

In Borja, Jr. v. COMELEC,[8] this Court cited a hypothetical situation where B is elected Mayor and, during his first term, he is twice suspended for misconduct for a total of one year.  If he is twice reelected after that, can he run for one more term in the next election?  This Court answered in the affirmative, stating as reason that B successfully served only two full terms.[9]

 

But such interpretation of the law wounds its very spirit for, in effect, it would reward the elected official for his misconduct.  Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J., a recognized constitutionalist, is also not swayed by it.  He points out that when an elected official is suspended, he shortens neither his term nor his tenure.  He is still seen as the rightful holder of the office and, therefore, must be considered as having served a full term during the period of suspension.[10]  

 

ACCORDINGLY, I submit that preventive suspension did not interrupt Asilo’s term of office from 2004-2007 and it cannot be considered an exception to the three-term limit rule.  Thus, Asilo is disqualified from running in the 2007 elections for violation of that rule pursuant to Section 8, Article X of the Constitution.  I vote to GRANT the petition.

 

 

 

 

                                                ROBERTO A. ABAD

                                                    Associate Justice



[1]  Socrates v. Commission on Elections, G.R. No. 154512, November 12, 2002, 391 SCRA 457, 467.

[2]  Webster’s New World College Dictionary, Third Edition, p. 1137.

[3]  R.A. No. 7160, Section 69. By Whom Exercised. - The power of recall for loss of confidence shall be exercised by the registered voters of a local government unit to which the local elective official subject to such recall belongs.

[4]  There are cases where an official is punished with the penalty of perpetual disqualification from public office and, thus, the three-term rule ceases to be an issue.  See R.A. No. 3019, Section 9 (a).

[5]  Under Section 40 (b) of R.A. No. 7160, those removed from office as a result of an administrative case are disqualified from running for any elective local position.  In this case, the three-term rule also ceases to be an issue.

[6]  G.R. No. 180444, April 9, 2008, 551 SCRA 50.

[7]  R.A. No. 7160, Section 44.  Permanent Vacancies in the Offices of the Governor, Vice Governor, Mayor, and Vice Mayor. – (a) If a permanent vacancy occurs in the office of the governor or mayor, the vice governor or vice mayor concerned shall become the governor or mayor.  If a permanent vacancy occurs in the offices of the governor, vice governor, mayor or vice mayor, the highest ranking sanggunian member or, in case of his permanent inability, the second highest ranking sanggunian member, shall become the governor, vice governor, mayor or vice mayor, as the case may be.  Subsequent vacancies in the said office shall be filled automatically by the other sanggunian members according to their ranking as defined herein. x x x.

[8]  G.R. No. 133495, September 3, 1998, 295 SCRA 157.

[9]  Id. at 169.

[10]  Bernas S.J., Joaquin. The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines: A Commentary, 2003 Ed., pp. 1092-1093.